On Baudrillard and Trump
My work is often political and has recently been examining the disconnect from the world of the ‘real’ and attendant desensitisation that occurs when politics and conflict becomes a spectacle, a reality TV show, highlighting the blurred lines between entertainment, horror and tragedy. Has war and conflict become just something to watch on TV, - a simulacrum? This is a theme explored in Baudrillards series of three articles collectively titled The Gulf War did not Take Place (Baudrillard 1991). These essays examined how the Gulf War was represented through TV images (usually mediated by the US government) and mass media which transformed it into a hyperreal spectacle rather than a conventional war. My work often refers to iconic photographs and media spectacles, interrogating whether the images themselves have become more real than the spectacles they depict. In this postmodern media saturated world is image everything? Are we in a world of the hyperreal and is Trump a symptom?
It has long been important for political leaders to present the ‘right’ image to their populace, one of a charismatic, effective, popular, competent and trustworthy person who can safely lead the country. In all forms of government, the leader must create legitimacy - “the perception that they have the right and justification to exercise power” (Buchanan, 2002). This is increasingly being achieved via visual legitimisation, despite increased cynicism about the reliability of media coverage. Images now also play a foundational role in the political communication process. As noted by Schill (2012 p 127), “Newsmakers not only consider their words, they also consider the messages they are communicating visually”.
Traditional or legacy media has increasingly lost its stranglehold on the dissemination of political images. Social media in all its forms and all its disparate networks has created a new and increasingly dominant dimension to the traditional process of political communication, allowing political strategists to “put an image in a voter’s mind directly through social media channels without the traditional news media as a filter or gatekeeper” (Dahmen, 2016, p. 176). This has created the perfect environment for a figure such as Trump to emerge triumphant on the political stage and has arguably fulfilled French philosopher Jean Baudrillards (1929 - 2007) view that a world of simulacra is eclipsing the real.
Baudrillards ideas are particularly relevant to the United States given much of his critique throughout his career directly examines aspects of American culture, politics and media. He saw the US as a cultural and ideological empire exporting ‘American Values’ globally through its domination of media, entertainment and consumer goods. Because of the American emphasis on individualism, its media-saturated culture, and its commodification of ideals such as ‘freedom’ and ‘success’ it serves as a central example of many of the phenomena he described. Baudrillards America is a world where symbolic value of a commodity is valued more than its practical use (brand culture etc), where simulacra, representations, images or semiotic signs come to replace the real, culminating in a world of hyperrealism, where the distinction between reality and simulation collapses. He used Disneyland as a perfect example of a simulacrum leading to hyperreality, where a constructed fantasy land functions to mask the unreality of everyday life. (Baudrillard 1981).
In his seminal work, Simulacra and Simulation (1981) and his essay America (1988) Baudrillard claims that the US epitomises a society dominated by simulacra, creating a hyperreal world, a land of “realised utopia” (Baudrillard 1988) where the American Dream is in itself a simulacrum - a powerful myth with no real foundation in most of the populations’ lives. He describes the USA as a ‘desert of the real’ (Baudrillard 1988) where meaning and authenticity have been eroded, leaving only signs and symbols to circulate endlessly with no tether or connection to reality. To add context, both of these works were written at a time when Ronald Reagan, a former actor, was the 40th President of the Unites States (1981 - 1989) and the Cold War between the USA and the Soviet Union was in full swing, with Reagan dubbing the Soviets as the “Evil Empire” - a term he appropriated from the then hugely popular Star Wars films (Brode 2012 p63)
Throughout his many works, Baudrillard describes how humans can no longer distinguish between reality and what he describes as hyperreality. He explains the four phases of the image as:-
1. the reflection of a profound reality; (ie it maintains the reality of the object, the referent) eg a map accurately depicting territory
2. The image masks and denatures a profound reality; (but still maintains the referent) eg stylised art
3. The image masks the absence of a profound reality; (the referent is now gone, the image is no longer different from reality), the simulacrum exists independent of the original object and is its own reality, eg social media personas, Disneyland, Las Vegas
until finally
4. The image has no relation to any reality whatsoever: it is its own pure simulacrum - the images themselves are our reality, the simulation shifts our idea of what reality actually is and we relate and interact with it as if it is more meaningful and real than any underlying reality. Because of the proliferation and domination of images and information, images no longer function as images, we are so immersed that there is no critical distance from which to view them as such. In this fourth stage the image no longer has any connection to reality, no referent to which it is attached. This is Baudrillards conception of hyperreality and it is in this world that he posits we exist as a result of consumerism, capitalism, mass media and cultural emphasis on individuality, exemplified by US society . Because of the sheer mass of information and image the only way one is able to cope is to focus on those bits of image and information which fit into how we imagine the world to be, or how we want it to be (Morris 2020). Broad stroke reality no longer exists.
Baudrillard described the world of politics as increasingly divorced from concrete realities, with leaders functioning more as symbols than ‘traditional’ political figures. Trump exemplifies this by prioritising spectacle and media manipulation over traditional political discourse. Longtime Trump political advisor Roger Stone (2018) confirmed Trumps approach thus: “How you look is more important than how you sound. How you come across is more important that the words you use” (cited in Kruse 2018, para. 6) confirming the shift from substance to style, emphasising performance over policy.
THE TRUMP BRAND
Trumps persona was largely crafted through his use of branding, his courting of newspaper coverage in his early years, and media appearances both in film cameos and reality TV. He is a figure whose media personality overshadows any substantive reality - in Baudrillard’s terms the Trump brand becomes a simulacrum: a self-sustaining image that does not correspond to a true original. From early on in his life Donald Trump understood and exploited the power of visual imagery, a skill which he carried through to his presidential run in 2016, his presidency, and the recent presidential race in 2024.
According to Baudrillard (following Debord 1967) the multiplication of the quantity of signs and spectacles created by the excess of images in circulation produces a proliferation of the sign-value of commodities. In this system, the more prestigious one’s commodities (houses, cars, clothes, and so on), the higher one’s standing . “Through objects, each individual and each group searches out his-her place in an order, all the while trying to jostle this order according to a personal trajectory” (Baudrillard 1973 pp 12-13). Thus, sign values take on meaning according to their place in a differential system of prestige and status. Trump used visual symbols (pictures of his planes etc) to project an image of unimaginable wealth, power, and success (in stark contrast to his many business failures).
Trump’s role as the host of The Apprentice introduced him to the majority of the US populous and exemplifies how an image can create a hyperreal identity. “Reality television does not purport to be fiction. In this way, the television show functions as a simulation of a reality that never existed…The entire show operated as a simulacrum for the character of Trump, too”.(Sharp 2020). By use of clever editing, Trump was depicted as a shrewd decisive businessman, a fictionalised idealised version of himself. “The Apprentice” portrayed Trump “….. as a plutocrat with impeccable business instincts and unparalleled wealth—a titan who always seemed to be climbing out of helicopters or into limousines.” (Keefe 2019). His political advisor Roger Stone remarked “I understand the elites will say, ‘Oh, that’s just a reality-TV show.’ Not to the average people. They don’t make a distinction between news and entertainment—it’s all television to them—and that’s where they get their impression of Trump.” (Roger Stone quoted in Kruse 2018). For millions of viewers, this media-created version of Trump became more “real” than his actual life and the success and longevity of the show meant that the US public were fed this image for a number of years.
In Baudrillardian terms, this image, this copy superseded the original, erasing the distinction from reality. The visual markers of Trumps success became more important than success itself - a clear example of Baudrillardian simulation. Trump not only promoted an image of himself built from repeated signs and markers rather than concrete proof, but that image became the reality for his followers who supported the projected idea of Trump. Keefe argues that this carefully cultivated image of Trump convinced people that he could be a viable president (Keefe 2019).
When Trump launched his presidential bid on 16th June 2015, his announcement took place at Trump Tower with him and his ex-model third wife Melania descending a golden escalator to be greeted by cheering supporters. Newt Gingrich, Republican Speaker of the House of Representative and close Trump ally said this of him - “Trump understood that he was being covered live ….Think about the image of success this visual conveyed to most Americans …..Visuals matter more than words. Style matters more than convention. The overall impression matters more than the details.” (Gingrich (2017)). Whilst it is unlikely that Trump and his advisors had Baudrillard in mind in this visual choice, the spectacle of wealth plus the ‘cheering crowd’ (some later exposed as being paid actors) corresponds to hyperreality. In reality, Trump only owns part of this building (the retail and commercial portions plus his triplex apartment (Chan 2024)). But his name in gold adorns the front giving the impression that it is wholly his.
Trumps ascension was further aided by the prevailing political environment of the time. In 2016 The Financial Times suggested that the “strongman” style of macho leadership was on the rise across the world (Rachman, 2016). It has been argued that one of the most important attribute that Trump has wanted to project throughout his life is toughness and strength - “he wanted to look dour, and vetoed any campaign imagery that so much as hinted at weakness, aides said. Which is why every self- selected snapshot—down to the squinty-eyed scowl attached to his Twitter account—features a tough-guy sourpuss” (Thrush and Haberman, 2017). This assessment is certainly borne out when one considers some of the most iconic images of Trump released in the past few years. Take for example his official portrait as President Elect in 2015, or, more recently, his mugshot (shown above) after his arrest in Fulton County in August 2024 which was rapidly used as a branding and money raising device by the Trump campaign who sent out emails soon after Trump's photo was released, soliciting donations in exchange for a mugshot t-shirt or other memorabilia.
One of the most iconic images of Trump during the last election campaign was of Secret Service agent surrounding Trump at a Pennsylvania rally on 13th July 2024 shortly after an assassination attempt where he sustained a bullet wound to his ear. It shows a bloodied Trump defiantly raising his fist in the air, whilst the agents are trying to hustle him off the stage. The American flag flies behind him in a perfect blue sky. He has seized the moment and created a near perfect media opportunity.
The picture, redolent of American symbolism, perfectly encapsulates Trump’s projected image - the strong, heroic, and courageous leader, bloodied but defiant in the face of death, urging his followers to “Fight, fight, fight”, although it is unclear what or whom exactly they would be fighting. “They’re not after me, they’re after YOU, I’m just in the way” is a common Trumpian refrain and meme. Here was an example of exactly how far the ‘Deepstate’ would go. “Trump has an iconic image, one for the ages, that is instantly recognisable. These only come around once in a while.” (Erik Bucy in Grady (2024)) and for some time afterwards this image became the defining image of the campaign.
In addition to the actual photos, however staged or edited Trump has used less conventional means to bolster his strongman image. He has taken to reposting AI generated images created by his supporters on his Truth Social Account (his social media platform) which are then picked up and further disseminated by others on many different social media platforms. He has also produced trading cards. These usually show him as hyper-realistic and muscle bound.
Reality is of course somewhat different. Trump is a physically unfit 78-year-old man who uses fake tan, who allegedly eats McDonalds burgers every day and who will not allow photos taken of him from the side if he can help it. A very far step away from his public image as Superhero.
Trump has become his own simulacrum, the transformation of a lived symbolic into a semiotic image (Merlin, 2020, p. 32), the third stage of progression. The image of him held by his supporters no longer bears any resemblance to reality.
POLITICS AS SPECTACLE - THE IMAGE EVENT
The highly contrived ‘pseudo-event’, comes about because someone has ‘planned, planted or incited it,’ more often than not ‘for the immediate purpose of being reported or reproduced’ (Boorstin 1961). “What stays with us, above all else, is the sight of the images. The image takes the event hostage and consumes it in the sense that it absorbs it and ‘offers it for consumption’ as an ‘image-event’ “(Baudrillard 2000 p27). The perfect pseudo-event in the US is the party rally where the leader meets the true believers, showbiz spectacle and celebrity endorsements overshadowing any policy issues, whilst opposition policies are vilified and condemned.
Caught up in this world of hyperrealism, the masses seek spectacle and not meaning. This has, according to Baudrillard, serious consequences in our political landscape.“The narcoticized and mesmerized ..media-saturated consciousness is in such a state of fascination with image and spectacle that the concept of meaning itself (which depends on stable boundaries, fixed structures, shared consensus) dissolves”.(Kellner 2019)
Trump’s presidency can on these terms be viewed as a simulation of power rather than its traditional exercise. The frequent dramatisation of political events and the staged photo opportunities used by the Trump camp align with Baudrillard’s notion of power as a performance rather than a reality.
By ensuring that his campaign rallies and public appearances were media-friendly spectacles, Trump transformed these events into shareable images that circulated widely, amplifying his hyperreal persona. Trump frequently emphasised the size and energy of his crowds, often exaggerating or misrepresenting them. This visual spectacle was used to signify legitimacy and dominance, regardless of whether the claims about crowd size were factual.
The Bible photo-op during the Black Lives Matter protests in 2020 was arranged by his staff to symbolise “law and order” and strength regardless of its contrived nature. Trumps walk to St. John’s Church was designed as powerful visual moment even as the circumstances (forceful removal of protesters) undermined its authenticity. It spoke to Trumps hyperreal image in the mind of his Christian Evangelical supporters of as a god-fearing man, firmly in charge. That he had been chosen by God was one of Trumps most striking election themes, amplified by his surviving the July 2024 assassination attempt broadly unscathed. The Christian community in the US has chosen to broadly ignore Trumps personal scandals and questions about his character and have hailed him as a savour. He has, after all, vowed to Make America Great Again with its underlying promise of restoring the country’s Christian character.
The shape of post-ideological politics seems to be primarily aesthetic, a spectacle that encourages the masses to treat politics as sport and to pick their ‘team’. Trump thrives in a media-saturated environment where sensationalism and spectacle takes precedence over policy. He is a product of a media ecosystem that rewards controversy and spectacle, thereby aligning with Baudrillards view that media no longer reflects reality but creates it.
TRUMPS HYPERREALITY - THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS INTO A WORLD OF ALTERNATIVE FACTS
Baudrillard believed that we live in a world of hyperreality where technology and modern society create a simulated reality which has become so much more interesting and stimulating than ‘real’ life that we allow ourselves to become wholly absorbed by it (Baudrillard 1981). This hyperreality is "more real than real": something fake and artificial, seamlessly blending together reality and fiction until there is no clear distinction between the two. It becomes to be more definitive of the real than reality and thus comes to control thought and behaviour, making the distinction between reality and simulation increasingly difficult to discern. Trump frequently uses branding not only as a money making device but in a symbolic way - the red MAGA hats for example which have become an image of allegiance, patriotism, and identity thereby functioning as a hyperreal symbol, its meaning and power not tied to any intrinsic value but to the collective belief in what it represents.
Hyperreal conditions allow for contradictions and falsehoods to exist unfettered by empirical or rational criticisms (Sharp 2020). The scale ofTrump's mendacity has been described as "unprecedented" in American politics (he publicly made over 30,573 misleading or false claims in his first term of office according to Washington Post fact checkers (2021)) and the consistency of his falsehoods is a distinctive part of both his business and political identity. Trump is by no means unique in having lied to the public whilst President, it seems almost to be a feature of the office. George Washington shuttled slaves back and forth between states in order to avoid having to free them, Franklin Roosevelt falsely describing Hiroshima as a military base prior to exploding the bomb, Nixon lied about Watergate and Reagan lied about the Iran-Contra scandal (Alterman 2020). Trump, however, seems to have taken lying to a new level: because of the sheer volume of his lies and his doubling down on them when challenged, he has endeavoured to make truth irrelevant. As Hannah Arendt stated in her essay “Truth And Politics” “a consistent and total substitution of lies for factual truth” is a vital condition for a totalitarian dictatorship. (Arendt 1967). Strikingly, many of Trumps lies have been told to preserve his own self image or political prospects rather than for any wider purpose. Their repetition by members of his circle is seen as a test of loyalty (Yglesias 2017).
“Those who live in a Trumpworld, circumscribed by Trump's Twitter feed, Fox News… and supported by Alt-right and conservative websites and social media, live in a Hyperreal Trumpscape impervious to rational arguments, critique or alternative facts”(Kellner 2021). They are so caught up in this hyperreality that the concept of the social, the political or even ‘reality’ no longer has any meaning. His supporters are willing to explain away any of Trumps claims that they do not think are wholly accurate reflecting the current trend of extreme partisan polarisation and a historic low level of trust in institutions in general and politics in particular.
IS TRUMP THE PERFECT SIMULACRUM?
Baudrillards critics often point to his ‘postmodern’ excesses – his ostentatious writing style, his methodology, his rejection of truth as a concept and a reality and his perceived celebration of capitalism (Merrin 2005 p150). Philosophers such as Slavic Zizek accuse him of being overly nihilistic and for underestimating the potential for meaningful engagement with reality especially in the context of political action (Zizek 2008). Alain Badiou emphasises the importance of truth, events and change which he argues Baudrillard ignores in favour of a society consumed by simulation (Badiou 1999) and Kellner has accused him of reducing social analysis to nothing but a narcissistic game (Kellner 1989). Baudrillards analysis of the differences between the USA and Europe in both America and Cool Memories have been dismissed as ‘stunningly banal’ (Callinicos 1989 p 147)
Trumps rise in politics clearly postdates Baudrillard, but had he been alive today one suspects that Baudrillard would have claimed Trump as a perfect example of his theories in practice. Baudrillard recognised that while American economic power may have been undermined in recent decades, (‘Today the orgy is over’ (Baudrillard 1989 p107)), America’s global cultural dominance is now overwhelming. Because Americans are reluctant to think about this economic decline, they live in a fantasy Disney world—‘a sunny screen memory’ which overshadows their actuality and becomes their reality. (Baudrillard 1989 p108). When Donald Trump presents a picture of a mythological past where America was ‘great’ and then vows to “Make America Great Again” he is believed and supported.
Trumps own image has been carefully honed and manipulated for decades through both the traditional media and latterly social media, allowing it to transcend who he actually is. The more he is portrayed as a larger-than-life figure, the more he becomes a symbol of power and success. Such nuance as exists in his political and policy positions do not matter to his supporters or the wider public - his rallies, soundbites, his provocative statements and social media posts (all amplified in the media) contribute to the creation of an endless feedback loop of images, spectacle and slogans, ultimately replacing any deeper substantive engagement with politics. Baudrillards view on how society was evolving seems to have come to pass; “It is no longer a question of imitation, nor of reduplication, nor even of parody. It is rather a question of substituting signs of the real for the real itself” (Baudrillard 1981).